Wednesday, May 04, 2022



Children told to stop eating HAM SANDWICHES in ridiculous 'warning' note sent home to parents in school newsletters

Primary school students have been urged to 'ditch the ham sandwich' in leaflets inserted in their newsletters and send home to parents.

Leaflets from the Cancer Council telling kids to stop eating ham sandwiches have been put into public school newsletters by teachers in NSW.

'Ditch the ham sandwich' is the Cancer Council's latest anti-meat edict and follows on from a previous leaflet telling children to have a 'meat-free Monday'.

But both parents and pork producers have defended the humble ham sandwich and railed against the 'politically correct message'.

However, Channel Nine's U.S. correspondent, Amelia Adams, admitted she 'wasn't surprised'. 'It's such a nanny state back there,' she told Karl Stefanovic during a Today show cross on Tuesday morning.

A pork company owner said the Cancer Council leaflets go 'too far'.

'Ham is actually a product which has been developed over the last 5,000 years and people have eaten it through the ages without any problems,' David Bligh of Bringelly Pork and Bacon told News Corp.

'I think sometimes these politically correct messages can go a little bit too far and not be as practical as they should be.'

A Cancer Council spokeswoman said the leaflets are part of a health campaign to get children eating better food.

'Because there is strong evidence that eating processed meats and too much red meat is associated with increased risk of bowel cancer, our cancer prevention messages advise everyone to limit their processed meat consumption and cut down on red meat,' she said.

She added that schools sent the messages to include with material sent home with pupils, were not under any obligation to do so.

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The dangerous rise of academic diversity quotas

Who should be the custodians of science? For centuries, scientists themselves have been. Now, their custodianship is under threat.

Science has long operated as a sort of guild, with the guild managing its own practice and traditions. This holds for the guild’s continuity: admission of aspiring members to the guild is controlled by the guild itself. For the sciences, aspiring members must clear a competitive series of hurdles: apprenticeship (graduate school), journeyman (post-doctoral fellow and assistant professor), then full membership (tenured professor).

For the past few decades, science’s stewardship has been shifting into the hands of an arriviste managerial class with no idea what science is or any real respect for it. Their aim is to seize control over the hiring of new faculty. No longer will admission to the science guild be based on assessed merit and mastery, but on de facto hiring quotas based upon race, gender, and sexual proclivity.

The new quota system is being implemented through the “diversity statement,” which demands an applicant express fealty, not to the guild, but to the new managerial class. The guild’s standards for admission — once a sign of mastery — are thereby subordinated. Once rare, diversity statements have become ubiquitous in the announcements for new positions. The demand is worded in various ways, but this job announcement for a cosmologist at Cornell University represents the diversity statement’s typical form:

Also required is a statement of diversity, equity and inclusion describing the applicants [sic] efforts and aspirations to promote equity, inclusion and diversity through teaching, research and service.

If an applicant is puzzled by this circular logic, a university may supply guidance, couched in New Age neologisms and platitudes. UCLA’s Office of Equity, Diversity and Inclusion offers this gem:

“Mindful Transparent Judgment” (MTJ) embraces the simultaneous messiness and virtue of our discretion. Uncabined discretion coupled with the presumption that we are already objective and fair leave us [sic] susceptible to implicit biases and structural norms that undermine equity, diversity, and inclusion. But mechanical adherence to pre-defined rules and processes set us up for a different sort of failure. In lieu of either extreme, MTJ challenges us to thoughtfully cabin and transparently employ discretion.

Don’t worry, this says to the applicant, we have no idea what we mean either; we just want to let a hundred flowers bloom. Soothing phrases, like “celebrate,” “vibrant communities,” “inclusive excellence,” and “lively interest,” are sprinkled about like beautiful flowers. The more discerning applicant will see the evasive lawyer-speak that is masking the actual message: your application will be judged by conformity to our de facto hiring quota. Universities naturally deny any such thing, of course. They have no choice: racial and gender quotas are illegal. But the quotas are there, well hidden within the details of the faculty search process.

Paranoid much? Canadian universities, which operate under different standards of law, are quite open about their diversity quotas: white men literally need not apply for a position as one of Canada’s 2,000 prestigious Research Chairs. Exclusion, not inclusion, is revealed as the agenda of the academy’s new overlords. Give Canada credit at least for honesty. In the US, stealthy subversion will be the instrument for depriving the sciences of mastery of their professions. Their target is the faculty search.

A faculty search has traditionally been a complex minuet between a university administration and its faculty. Both parties are obliged to participate in the dance. Faculty have possession of the precious jewels without which administrations cannot exist: no student applies, nor does any academic strive, to join a university for the prestige of its administrators. In their turn, administrations covet the jewels and want to control them. The traditional faculty search is intended to balance these disparate interests, and for decades it worked pretty well, with both faculty and administrators left to tend their own gardens in peace. No more. The new managerial class (let us call them diversicrats) has become the instrument whereby the faculty can finally be dispossessed of those coveted jewels.

Here is how the takeover works: a job search starts with an ad hoc search committee that seeks qualified applicants. The search committee reviews applications, winnows the field down to a few individuals to be brought in for interviews, then crafts a recommendation to the administration for making a formal job offer.

A search committee traditionally comprises faculty capable of judging a candidate’s qualifications and suitability. For a position in cosmology, for example, the search committee will empanel a number of physicists whose professional opinion should carry great weight. A representative from the university’s human resources office also usually has a seat, to ensure compliance to employment law, and to guard against members of the search committee asking stupid or illegal questions during interviews.

In the new regime, a “diversity officer,” appointed by the university’s diversity administrator (usually someone with vice-presidential rank), now sits on the search committee. The diversity officer conveys to the committee the diversity vice-president’s wishes, and reports back how closely the committee is conforming to those demands. The diversity vice-president can then veto or reconstruct the short list of candidates invited for interviews, or even dissolve or repopulate the search committee to produce a conformed outcome.

To add an air of objectivity, search committees may be provided a rubric for carrying out the new diversity litmus test. From San Jose State University’s rubric, for example, high marks accrue for attention to “ethnic, socioeconomic, racial, gender, sexual orientation, disability, and cultural differences” (my emphasis). Low marks are given for speaking of “diversity in vague terms” (what kind of diversity?) or not understanding the “personal challenges that underrepresented individuals face in academia” (how is one supposed to do that?). A candidate with too independent an opinion, or who declines to genuflect to the diversity agenda, can kiss his prospects goodbye.

The diversity rubric has an interesting pedigree. The San Jose State University rubric borrows considerably from UC Berkeley’s rubric, which was adopted for the entire University of California system. Cornell University, Emory University, Brandeis University, University of Michigan, and many others have adopted identical, or very similar, discriminatory tests for candidates. The irony is hard to miss. Diversity rubrics bear an eerie similarity to the supposedly objective literacy tests of Jim Crow (e.g., Louisiana’s). The intent is the same: only the target differs.

The common language of these proliferating rubrics prompts the question: do they have a common ancestor? Grinnell College (probably inadvertently) points to the answer. Grinnell belongs to the Liberal Arts Colleges Racial Equity Leadership Alliance (LACRELA), a consortium of fifty-one member colleges that coordinate and establish diversity and equity policies. The LACRELA, in turn, is part of the University of Southern California Race and Equity Center (USCREC), which, for a healthy fee, will advise colleges and universities (as well as schools and businesses) on their diversity shortcomings, including formulating rubrics for evaluating diversity statements. Which prompts an additional question: who funds the USCREC? The answer can be found on the USCREC’s homepage: a who’s-who list of wealthy donors, including the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the Atlantic Philanthropies…and the US Department of Education.

So, scientists? Do you still think you’re in control of your profession? Or do you see that the faculty search been reduced to a Potemkin façade, behind which your profession is being stolen from you? When will you decide to take control back?

I have another question. If discrimination on the basis of race, gender, and sexual proclivity is illegal, what is one to make of the vast ball of collusion of wealthy donors, government agencies, and university administrations that has built up to promote illegal discrimination? Isn’t this the definition of conspiracy?

I will give the last word to Grinnell College. The self-celebratory webpage of Grinnell’s Office of Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion states that their students

bring varied geographic, ethnic, racial, religious, and socioeconomic experiences to Grinnell — but their common traits far outweigh their differences.

Thus, my final question. If “common traits far outweigh their differences,” why should hiring new faculty be geared so strongly to amplifying those differences? Just asking.

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Pa.: Once Exemplary College Muzzles Speech

It’s hardly news today when a college prioritizes wokeness and political correctness over genuine intellectual inquiry and a steadfast commitment to the free exchange of ideas. It is news, however, when a college takes aim at one of the few remaining parts of academia that is truly outstanding and emphatically worth preserving. Such is the case at St. Vincent College in Latrobe, Pennsylvania, the hometown of Arnold Palmer and Fred Rogers (of Mr. Rogers fame).

On April 7 through 9, St. Vincent’s Center for Political and Economic Thought, impressively built and shepherded over the past 22 years through the diligent efforts of Professor Brad Watson, hosted what was without exaggeration one of the finest academic conferences that one could hope to find anywhere in America.

The Center—whose advisory board includes (among others) Robbie George, Wilfred McClay, and Charles Kesler—invited nine speakers to its annual Culture and Policy Conference, which this year was entitled “Politics, Policy, and Panic: Governing in Times of Crisis.” Due to Covid restrictions, it was the first time that the usually annual Culture and Policy Conference had been hosted since 2019–and also the first time since Father Paul Taylor became St. Vincent College’s president. Taylor would quickly prove the aptness of the word “panic” in the conference’s title.

The conference featured one compelling presentation after another, all of which are now posted online. It was a rich opportunity for students to hear viewpoints outside of the academic mainstream so dominated by the groupthink Left. Scott Atlas, Jeffrey Tucker, Wilfred Reilly, and I all gave presentations on the ill-advised response to Covid, during which scientific knowledge and centuries of Western norms were often abandoned in favor of costly and coercive lockdowns, mask mandates, and vaccine requirements. Allison Stanger talked about Big Tech and the threat it poses to our republic. David Azerrad discussed the tension between racial preferences and colorblind justice. Keith Whitaker gave an interesting and nuanced account of the history of financial panics and what they tell us about human nature. Johnny Burtka offered students helpful advice gleaned from great books. And Jacob Howland capped things off by talking about how our “crisis of logos”—our decreasing willingness, or ability, to engage in meaningful discussions about the great questions of our day, or any day—requires our full attention and commitment to reverse.

As if on cue, St. Vincent’s administration promptly confirmed this crisis of logos. After a few of the many students who had attended Azerrad’s talk complained about it, President Taylor and his administration initially censored the publication not only of the video of Azerrad’s presentation but also of the videos of the other eight conference presentations as well, as Howland recounted for City Journal. After being pressured by national organizations that fight for freedom of speech, the administration subsequently relented on posting the videos. But then it promptly took aim at the Center that Watson has built, giving every indication that the administration is determined to make this the final such free-flowing Culture and Policy Conference that St. Vincent College will ever allow.

President Taylor released a letter on April 19 saying that in order to “protect the diversity of opinion critical to our students’ educational growth,” only “responsible opinion” will henceforth be allowed to be expressed at St. Vincent. The judges of “responsible opinion” will not be serious scholars like Watson but rather the college president and his administrative cabinet. Taylor writes, “The President and Cabinet members will now approve all sponsored speakers.”

What’s more, the Center that Watson built and Taylor merely inherited was forced to undergo immediate “structural changes” so that it now “reports directly” to Jeff Mallory, the school’s Chief Operating Officer. Until he was hired by Taylor, Mallory was working as the Assistant Vice President for Diversity, Inclusion, and Student Advancement at Duquesne. This is how one kills an academic center without formally removing its scholarly head.

The nonpartisan Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) says that Taylor’s new policy “could be the most extreme example of guest speaker censorship that FIRE has seen in its more-than-20-year history.” FIRE calls the policy “a brazen violation of Saint Vincent’s binding commitments to free expression and academic freedom.” Those “principles,” as the group wrote in a letter to Taylor on April 22, “bar administrators like yourself from usurping student and faculty rights to decide which views are welcome on campus.” FIRE asserts that St. Vincent’s new policy “could also jeopardize its accreditation.”

A college spokesman claimed in the wake of Taylor’s letter that the administration “will not institute prior censorship of a speaker’s remarks.” Note that the remarks could still be reviewed, however, and even if the remarks were not censored, the speaker could still be disapproved—thereby providing censorship via other means. It’s hard to see how Taylor and company could otherwise have kept someone like Azerrad from speaking—their clear goal—given that his status as an assistant professor at Hillsdale College surely clears the bar for scholarly credibility.

So, what was so objectionable about Professor Azerrad’s presentation that it could be said to justify effectively torpedoing a decades-old center that has been an academic jewel? In his letter, Taylor claims that Azerrad’s remarks were “inconsistent with the fundamental mission of the College,” which “centers around the inherent belief that only when we lift up human dignity can we move the world forward.” Since Azerrad apparently failed this fuzzy test, Taylor says, “I . . . denounce this lecture and am sorry that this happened at Saint Vincent.” Taylor adds that students and faculty should “be inspired to search for truth,” but only if that search will “lift up human dignity.” If the latter condition is not met, then the search for truth apparently must yield. A college that genuinely understands its mission would be embarrassed to suggest that a significant tension exists between the search for truth and the fostering of dignity.

More insight into the administration’s specific objections to Azerrad’s remarks shows up in a statement edited by Mallory and released on April 13 above the signature of Dean Gary Quinlivan. That statement says that the college opposes “any point of view which may be interpreted as a form of invidious discrimination which inherently degrades the sanctity of human life.” This doesn’t remotely characterize Azerrad’s actual remarks, and it is hard to imagine how anyone who listened to them could claim otherwise. (Azerrad’s remarks, as well as the rest of the presentations, are available online.)

The Quinlivan statement also speaks of “systemic bigotry” and implicitly accuses Azerrad of such, even though Azerrad lamented in his remarks that “we were de facto [a society] of white supremacy for most of our history”—a claim he said would be “silly” and “foolish” to deny. And the Quinlivan statement specifically objects to Azerrad’s having “downplayed and minimized the role of several highly accomplished African Americans,” such as George Washington Carver and Kamala Harris, whom Azerrad said “would not be vice president of the United States of America today” had her father not been black.

I agree with Quinlivan that Azerrad was too hard on Carver. Saying, “If he were not black, no one in America today would know who George Washington Carver is,” as Azerrad did, misses the point that a key aspect of what distinguished Carver—who was winning prominent awards before World War II, in an era that was hardly woke—was his rise from slavery to college and then to scientific prominence, despite having been denied a relationship with either of his parents and having faced undeniable prejudice. Nevertheless, Azerrad’s statement is hardly a capital offense. Indeed, if this was the most objectionable comment across some seven hours of presentations by nine speakers, why is President Taylor so intent on wresting control of the Center, or at least of its flagship conference, away from Professor Watson?

As for Vice President Harris, President Biden made it crystal clear that he was limiting his search to a woman, and Representative James Clyburn, to whom Biden effectively owed his nomination, made it almost equally clear that he was pushing Biden to pick a black woman. Most people would presumably agree with Azerrad that Harris, whose presidential campaign did not even survive until—let alone beyond—Iowa, would not have been picked had she not fit the “correct” demographic profile. In any event, Azerrad’s expressed opinion hardly “degrades the sanctity of human life,” the crime of which he apparently stands accused.

Taylor, who also released a message condemning “racism” in the wake of Azerrad’s talk, further opined that Azerrad’s remarks “did a disservice to Fred Rogers, for whom the building in which the speech was given was named.” This may seem an odd statement, but it makes more sense in the context that most of us delivered our presentations within a stone’s throw of the room in which Rogers’s actual sweaters, shoes, and puppets are on display. As a childhood fan of Rogers’s endearing show, I’ll go along with Taylor’s line of thought and take a shot at what Rogers might actually have thought. I suspect that the kindly Rogers, who seemed to value every last person as an individual child of God, would have applauded Azerrad’s courage in presenting heterodox views to a somewhat hostile crowd, likely would have admired the crispness and analytical rigor of his arguments, might have wished he had employed a bit more pathos and a bit less provocation, and likely would have appreciated the compelling words with which Azerrad concluded his remarks:

“The choice before the country, it seems to me, is clear. We either develop the stomach for colorblindness, treating everyone equally under the law, not discriminating, being polite to one another in the private sector—all are equal in America, come what may of the outcomes—or we decide to tear down our civilization in this mad quest to achieve equal racial outcomes by granting unfair privileges to some.”

Azerrad’s presentation was pretty much an embrace of treating members of every race equally and a rejection of affirmative action, broadly construed, which he argued is counterproductive for everyday Americans of any race—no matter how much establishment elites may love it. This is a view that many, perhaps even most, Americans share. The fact that St. Vincent’s administration would find this so intolerable says a lot about the university’s level of toleration.

Even more so, the notion that St. Vincent’s administration would view this extraordinary conference, when taken as a whole, as having detracted more than it added to the college and to its students’ experience, is incredible. It shows evidence of a college in serious trouble and perhaps beyond repair. The sad thing is that, until what seems like yesterday, St. Vincent College had been one of the few places left in all of American academia that had featured anything genuinely worth celebrating and preserving.

Alexis de Tocqueville observed that Americans enjoy extraordinary freedom of speech as a matter of law but often limit their speech as a matter of practice, due to the power of public opinion in a democratic society. But the modern-day Left is on a mission to shrink the range of acceptable opinion (“responsible opinion”) to a degree that even the prescient Tocqueville could only have imagined. What’s different from Tocqueville’s day is that the Left’s suppression of speech isn’t majoritarian but authoritarian. It doesn’t represent tyranny of the majority but rather tyranny of the minority. It actually defies the majority in two ways: by insisting that people shouldn’t be allowed to say what they think, even if they hold views shared by a majority of their fellow citizens; and by rejecting the majority’s view that free speech is not only valuable but essential.

St. Vincent College’s actions are the latest example of this larger phenomenon. Whether the college gets away with it—and the battle is not yet over—will say a lot about the state of free speech and academic freedom in America today.

https://www.city-journal.org/st-vincent-college-takes-aim-at-academic-freedom ?

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My other blogs: Main ones below

http://dissectleft.blogspot.com (DISSECTING LEFTISM)

http://antigreen.blogspot.com (GREENIE WATCH)

http://pcwatch.blogspot.com (POLITICAL CORRECTNESS WATCH)

http://australian-politics.blogspot.com/ (AUSTRALIAN POLITICS)

http://snorphty.blogspot.com/ (TONGUE-TIED)

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